Cannabis reform without legal legitimacy is an illusion:
South Africa’s cannabis economy is poised for transformation, but it is being built on a legal contradiction. The department of trade, industry and competition has proposed a national licensing authority and commercialisation framework. Yet the Cannabis for Private Purposes Act (CfPPA) of 2024 still prohibits all forms of cannabis trade, cultivation for profit and distribution. This is not a technical oversight. It is a constitutional fault line.
We cannot licence what the law criminalises. Until the Act is amended to include commercial provisions or a new enabling Cannabis Commercialisation Act is passed, the department’s proposals remain legally unenforceable. Officials risk overreach. Entrepreneurs face uncertainty. People are left in limbo.
Even the government acknowledges this. In a parliamentary Q&A session in June, the department’s minister, Parks Tau, said: “It is the intention of the [department] to address this aspect as soon as cannabis has effectively been removed from the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act.”
While this reflects a degree of momentum, it’s legally insufficient. Removing cannabis from the Drugs Act may lift criminalisation, but the CfPPA continues to prohibit dealing, trading and cultivation for commercial gain. In short, even if cannabis is no longer classified as a drug, it still cannot be sold or licensed under the Cannabis for Private Purposes Act when the Act comes into operation.
This legal misalignment has real-world consequences. The department’s policy framework, while ambitious, suffers from structural blind spots:
- It focuses narrowly on licensing without transitional support for informal traders;
- It fails to protect small-scale cultivators from being displaced by large corporations;
- It omits regulatory clarity around cannabis clubs and urban dispensaries;
- It overlooks enforcement coordination across the South African Police Service, municipalities, and regulatory bodies; and
- It excludes meaningful integration of indigenous knowledge systems into product development.
One major omission is the legal ambiguity about cannabis clubs, private collectives facilitating cultivation and sharing among adult members. Since the Haze Club case was dismissed in 2022 and its appeal withdrawn in 2024, the status of grow clubs remains undefined. This vacuum has enabled the proliferation of illicit urban clubs and pseudo-dispensaries selling untested products to non-members, tourists and minors, often with no age verification or dosage controls.
What South Africa needs is regulatory clarity, not criminal silence. Rather than banning cannabis clubs outright or letting them proliferate unchecked, the law should define them, regulate them and use them as strategic tools within a broader commercialisation policy. Ignoring their existence only empowers the illicit market.
South Africa must not repeat the mistakes seen elsewhere.
In Thailand, decriminalisation without proper controls led to youth exposure and market chaos. The government reversed its policy in 2025, reclassifying cannabis as a controlled herb, shuttering thousands of dispensaries, and leaving farmers in limbo.
In Italy, a sudden 2025 ban on low-THC products erased billions in legal revenue, criminalised compliant retailers, and triggered European Union-level legal challenges.
In the United States, fragmented state-by-state regulation has caused enforcement confusion, increased youth access, and resurgence of illicit trade, particularly in states failing to fund education and safety programmes.
In Canada, even with national legalisation, spikes in underage consumption, impaired driving and workplace incidents exposed the limits of reform absent cultural readiness and public health investment.
And in Mexico, international price competition with the US led to cannabis crop abandonment, pushing rural farmers into more dangerous illicit drug markets.
The common thread across these countries? Commercialisation without cohesive regulation, especially about cultivation, processing, distribution, retail, enforcement, education and cultural integration.
Cannabis is not just a commodity. It’s a cultural and constitutional indicator, reflecting whether we are capable of reform that is inclusive, ethical and enforceable. A well-regulated industry could empower rural cooperatives, restore trust with legacy growers, elevate local brands on the global stage and reduce harm in urban youth sectors.
Properly regulated cannabis clubs offer promise. If legally recognised and governed, they could provide: controlled, adult-only access aligned with privacy rights; peer-based harm reduction and responsible usage education; traceable supply chains that reduce street-level trade; municipal licensing opportunities and tax reinvestment models; the promotion of community accountability and reinvestment; and entry-level platforms for small-scale cultivators operating in compliant, cooperative models.
The time has come to move beyond fragmented intent. Commercialisation needs:
- Legislative legitimacy: Amend the CfPPA or pass a Cannabis Commercialisation Act;
- End-to-end value chain governance: Link licensing to retail, enforcement, and branding;
- Transitional and inclusive models: Support informal traders and vulnerable communities;
- Cannabis club regulation: Recognise and govern clubs under civic and constitutional frameworks;
- Enforcement clarity: Align the police, municipalities and DTIC to police illicit trade and protect minors and the vulnerable; and
- Ethical branding and indigenous knowledge integration: Elevate products that reflect our biodiversity and cultural heritage. Develop premium South African cannabis products for global markets.
South Africa can build a cannabis economy that is just, lawful, inclusive, and resilient. But it starts with fixing the foundation. Anything less is not reform. It is an illusion.”
Adv Simi Pillay-van Graan is the chief executive of Trikar Enterprise Solutions.
Nkabane’s axing saves budget as first phase of Appropriations Bill is approved:
The National Assembly has approved the 2025-26 Appropriations Bill by 262 votes to 90, pushing through the first step in finalising the national budget, despite tension in the government of national unity (GNU) and growing pressure from opposition benches.
All 10 parties that form the GNU — the ANC, Democratic Alliance (DA), Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Patriotic Alliance (PA), Freedom Front Plus (FF+), Good party, Rise Mzansi, the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the United Democratic Movement (UDM) and Al Jama-ah — supported the Bill.
The vote followed a day-long sitting at the Cape Town International Convention Centre, where Deputy Finance Minister David Masondo warned MPs of the consequences of failing to pass the Bill.
“Without passing this Bill, the government will lose authority to spend beyond 45% of last year’s budget after July,” Masondo said.
This meant departments would not be able to pay salaries or sustain basic services.
He urged MPs to stay focused and ensure that service delivery was not interrupted. “This Bill must be passed in full to allow departments to function properly,” he said.
The Bill allocates R1.2 trillion over the medium term. Of this, R400 billion has been earmarked for transport infrastructure, R220 billion for energy initiatives and R160 billion for water and sanitation. Additional funds have been allocated to public health, education and social protection.
MPs were allowed to indicate if they wished to vote differently from their party, but none did.
Committee chairperson Mmusi Maimane called for efficient governance despite the difficult economic conditions. “This budget takes place under severely constrained economic conditions. We must ensure our budgeting processes are efficient so that the people of South Africa can participate fully in their own appropriation.”
Despite the passage of the Bill, the debate exposed tensions in the coalition government partners, with DA MP Andrew Whitfield making it clear that support for the budget should not be mistaken for consensus.
“We don’t need a national dialogue. We need more dialogue between the ANC and the DA,” he said, referring to unresolved tensions between the two parties over corrupt ministers in the ANC’s ranks.
The DA had initially signalled it would not support the individual budgets of departments implicated in corruption, but changed its mind after President Cyril Ramaphosa removed higher education minister Nobuhle Nkabane, who is accused of misleading parliament regarding board appointments at Sector Education and Training Authorities (Setas).
Ramaphosa dismissed Nkabane earlier in the week and appointed her deputy, Buti Manamela, as higher education minister, with former KwaZulu-Natal premier Nomusa Dube-Ncube coming in as the new deputy minister.
MPs warned Manamela that they would do to him what they did to Nkabane if he did not perform, with EFF MP Sihle Lonzi saying they would work with him because he had shown a willingness to fix students’ accommodation problems at tertiary institutions and the dysfunction of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme.
The Patriotic Alliance’s Ashley Sauls criticised delays and politicking ahead of the Bill, arguing that the DA had only supported it after scoring political points against the ANC in the form of Nkabane’s axing.
“What we’ve learnt through this process is that we’ve placed politics above people,” Sauls said.
Good party leader Patricia de Lille said the Bill was necessary but insufficient. “A basic income grant is not radical. What is radical is a country where half the population lives in poverty,” she said.
Rise Mzansi leader Songezo Zibi said although the departmental budgets are not perfect, debating forever without supporting the Bill would imperil the poorest in the country.
The IFP, FF+ and UDM, while supporting the Bill, raised concerns about the lack of targeted interventions, with IFP MP Nhlanhla Hadebe arguing that poverty and youth unemployment were not being adequately addressed.
The Freedom Front Plus MP, Wouter Wessels, called for tighter fiscal controls, while the UDM’s Nqabayomzi Kwankwa said the budget offered hope but fell short on public participation.
“The budget makes us feel like we are going to get there,” he said.
The official opposition uMkhonto weSizwe party and Economic Freedom Fighters opposed the bill. EFF legislator Omphile Maotwe accused the coalition government of using the national budget to manage internal power plays.
“For the supervisors in the government on neoliberal unity, led by the chief supervisor Ms Helen Zille [the DA federal council chair] the budget is the tool to fight political squabbles,” Maotwe said.
The MK party’s Wesley Douglas described the Bill as “morally indefensible”, accusing the unity government of betraying its mandate, while the ATM’s Vuyolwethu Zungula said white-owned businesses still retain “a large portion of the state budget”.
“That is not transformation,” he said.
The United Africans Transformation and National Coloured Congress parties also voted against the Bill, arguing it entrenched inequality and failed to break from “neoliberal policies”.
Attendance was decisive. Of the ANC’s 159 MPs, 144 were present while the DA had 76 of 87 MPs in attendance. The IFP had 12 out of 17 and the PA’s legislators were in full attendance, with all nine voting in favour of the budget. The FF Plus’s five members were present and voted in favour.
All ACDP, UDM, Rise Mzansi, Al Jama-ah, ActionSA and Build One South Africa MPs were also present.
The Appropriations Bill now proceeds to its second stage, which involves detailed vote-by-vote scrutiny of departmental allocations. The final reading is expected before the end of the month, after which the Bill will be sent to the National Council of Provinces for concurrence.
Tribute to Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a founder of Botswana, on his centennial birthday:
Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire was born on 23 July 1925 in Kanye, Beuchanaland (now Botswana). In commemorating his centennial birthday we pay tribute to one of the founders of Botswana and framers of its Constitution.
He was the principal architect of its economic development as minister of finance and development planning.?
I recall at the end of March 1998, attending a farewell dinner for president Masire. The guest of honour was the former president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarange Nyerere.??When it was time for the speeches Nyerere spoke eloquently about Sir Ketumile’s leadership in developing Botswana. He praised him profusely for stepping down before senility set in and the guests dissolved in laughter.?
These two great presidents, paragons of astute and wise leadership in Africa, both left office voluntarily.??Nyerere was first. Sometime in 1985, he woke up one bright sunny morning to the sound of birds singing and decided to retire. Not many presidents wake up that way.?
A year later the University of Zimbabwe awarded Nyerere an honorary doctorate, and the vice-chancellor, Professor Walter Kamba, said at the ceremony:??“In an age in which life presidencies are proliferating, whether by constitution or other means, it is only a man of courage, confidence, foresight, wisdom and humility, like our graduand, who can say it is now time for me to lay down the burdens and responsibilities of state and go into retirement and become part of the citizenry.”??
Twelve years later, that man was president Masire when he retired, cutting short his presidency by two years. Concluding his retirement speech to parliament he quoted Lord Tennyson:??“The old order changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils himself in many ways,?Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.” ??
He was steeped in English literature; Chaucer, Dickens, Austen, Tennyson and Shakespeare, among others.??I recall him often gleefully reciting from Shakespeare’s Macbeth:??“Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow?Creeps in this petty pace from day to day?To the last syllable of recorded time …”??
Masire was a wise, pious and humble man, with a marvellous sense of humour, whose leadership transformed Botswana and overflowed to Africa and the world.??He was undoubtedly one of the greatest statesmen of our era.
Richard Dowden, the distinguished British journalist writing on the death of Masire, described him as “one of Africa’s greatest leaders. Because he was a low-key figure and from a large but sparsely-populated country, he does not appear in the pantheon of great rulers. But he should.”??
Dowden further said: “As president of Botswana for nearly two decades, the humble Masire was responsible for setting the country on a path to prosperity.”??
Masire’s humility concealed his greatness. I am reminded of Yogesh Chadha’s book, Rediscovering Gandhi. In it, Chadha writes that when Mahatma Gandhi was in London in 1931 to plead for India’s independence, a small girl wanted to ask him for his autograph. She then drew back shyly and looked up at her mother and asked: ‘Mummy, is he really great?”??
Like Gandhi, the unassuming greatness of Masire was the gift of the common touch that made him at one with ordinary people. It was reflected in his love for Batswana — and humanity in general — a surpassing compassion and commitment to improving the welfare of others.?He did so by being a skillful communicator. Experts of the Setswana language attest that his command of the language and idioms was incomparable. He marshalled the Setswana language wonderfully and spellbound his audience.??
He was brilliant. In 1944, he was one of the first students to earn a bursary to attend Tiger Kloof Secondary School. He became a teacher and the first headmaster of Kanye Secondary School — now Seepapitso Senior Secondary School — from 1950 to 1955.??
Though he put himself wholeheartedly into everything he did it was farming that was the love of his heart. In 1957, he was the first Motswana to be awarded a Master Farmer’s Certificate.?
His other interest was journalism and became the editor of Naledi ya Batswana newspaper. It was as a journalist he later met Seretse Khama.??
The year 1958 was a significant year. That was the year Masire married Gladys Olebile Molefi on 2 January. Born in Modimola near Mafikeng, after graduating from Tiger Kloof, she became a teacher at Mafikeng and later Kanye.??A woman of substance, she was God fearing, kind, humble, compassionate and hardworking. Years later as first lady she was a gracious Mother of the Nation. She was Masire’s pillar, always caring and supportive of him.??
Lady Masire dedicated herself to several charities that focused on the plight of disadvantaged and marginalised children, unemployed and delinquent youth and women’s empowerment. They were a splendid couple and their marriage was blessed with six children.
In August 1960, Sir John Maud, the high commissioner on a familiarisation visit of Beuchanaland, was at the Serowe kgotla. Masire, as a photo-journalist, covered the event for his paper.?He took Seretse’s picture in the kgotla and then cheekily walked up to him to ask his permission after the fact. Seretse was immensely amused by this cheekiness and a lifelong friendship was born.??
It was in 1961 that Masire literally stumbled into politics. He was in Lobatse to cover a public meeting of the newly formed Bechuanaland People’s Party (BPP).?Masire, who had an interest in public affairs, was curious about the new political party. At the end of the meeting he was not impressed and thought: “If these are the kinds of people who are going to lead our country, we are in trouble.”??
Towards the end of 1961, Seretse Khama, who shared the same sentiments, proposed the formation of a new party, the Bechuanaland Democratic Party (BDP). Masire resolved that if he could be of any use to the nation, then he needed to participate in politics.??
Masire knew Seretse as a democrat through and through who believed strongly that the nation resides in the people, and not in any individual.??The two worked well together. It was a complementary partnership that flourished on Seretse’s vision and charisma and Masire’s energy, analytical brilliance and organisational ability. They were candid and honest with each other, and both had a lively sense of humour.
They were born leaders.??Both believed in the need to move people from thinking about their tribes as their separate communities to thinking about the whole nation as their community. Both believed that in any society they needed to be a balance between the interests of individuals and those of the larger community. Both believed that individuals should be given the freedom to come up with the best they were capable of.??
The cardinal principle on which the Botswana Democratic Party was founded was a non-negotiable article of faith that the founders and other leaders subscribed to:??“The party only matters to the extent that it can meet the needs of the nation; otherwise there is no need for it. If it ceases to meet the needs of the country, then it should cease to exist.”??
This is ageless wisdom applicable to all political parties in the world.??In adherence to this article of faith Seretse and Masire crafted a short document in 1962 that outlined in broad-brush terms, the direction which the party would take. The document on “Aims and Objectives” became the “Four National Principles”.??It highlighted what mattered, namely, to establish a nation that exemplified non-racialism, one united nation, fundamental human rights, a reformed and democratic local government which were then all missing in Bechuanaland.?The “Four National Principles” gave clarity as to what Botswana wanted, and from observing other countries, what to avoid.?
In his memoirs Masire wrote that the BDP was built by trial and error. “No one came with a dogma to be followed. We shared stories, and we learned from each other and from the people we consulted. The party grew organically, and it was very encouraging to see it happen. This was the fundamental difference between us as a party and the People’s Party and its subsequent mutations.?They fed their followers with slogans and dogmas picked up from elsewhere. They thought they could just tell people any cock-and-bull story, and the people would accept it.
“Our experience was that ordinary people wanted to be given reasons. We did our best to show them why we were thinking and acting the way we were.??As we prepared for moving to self-rule and then independence, our biggest fear was that we would lack unity, and that each tribe might think of itself as a separate entity. We feared if we went the way of some other states we would be in for serious trouble. This is why we laid emphasis on finding all the things that would unite us, and trying to avoid all the things that would divide us.??
“Our Four Principles — democracy, development, unity and self-reliance — addressed the things that really worried us during the formative years before independence. We knew we needed both to adhere to our principles, and to fight against anything that would threaten them.”??
This was the vision that ushered in Botswana’s independence on 30 September 1966. At independence Botswana was among the poorest countries in the world and surrounded by racist minority regimes in South West Africa (Namibia), Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa.??Economic experts gazing in their crystal balls saw Botswana doomed to poverty and surviving forever on international aid.??
Sir Seretse Khama and Sir Ketumile Masire would often remind their colleagues that when they asked for independence, they were told that they were “either very brave, or very foolish”. Masire was to use this phrase as the title of his memoirs:??Very Brave or Very Foolish? Memoirs of an African Democrat.??
The economic experts’ advice was taken with a pinch of salt as Botswana proved them spectacularly wrong.??As Botswana’s first vice-president and minister of finance and development planning, Masire initiated various initiatives to rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world, which, in 1966, had an annual per-capita income of about $ 60.??
The initiatives included channelling foreign aid, loans and mining revenues into developing educational, health, power, transport, and communications infrastructure while encouraging small-scale services and industries and promoting commercial agriculture. The success of Masire’s development portfolio earned him kudos domestically and internationally.??
In 1980 Botswana’s first president, Sir Seretse Khama died. The nation mourned, grievously bereft of a great leader it had been fortunate to have at the time of its greatest need.??
Masire had lost both a great friend and political collaborator who was closer to him than anybody before or after. They were a good team. Their close cooperation on all aspects of politics and government for 20 years was an important factor in achieving Botswana’s successes.??In mourning, Masire graciously ascended to the presidency.
His presidency commenced at a time the liberation fight against apartheid was intensifying and black South African liberation fighters of the ANC began to infiltrate South Africa by crossing the borders of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique.??South Africa, in retaliation, attacked these countries.
Botswana found herself in a dilemma as she could not break links with South Africa for economic reasons so she banned the ANC military wing from operating in the country, but allowed young men and women to enter who were fleeing South Africa to become ANC freedom fighters.??
With the discovery of diamonds in Botswana the government was pragmatic in making a deal with the South African gold and diamond giant, De Beers.??The deal provided the government with substantial revenues from diamonds, which were used for the benefit of the people in services such as education and health.
During the HIV/Aids crisis the country funded its own programme at a huge expense while other African countries relied on international aid.??
The deal with De Beers gradually evolved because president Masire’s cautious and tenacious style convinced De Beers to build a sorting house in Gaborone where the diamonds were graded before being sent to De Beers in London. He also demanded that Batswana be trained in sorting and evaluating diamonds.??
Masire transformed Botswana by anchoring her development in Tswana values. For example, the Tswana practice of consulting people was essential in progressing developmental policies.??
In 1991 he received an honorary knighthood of the Grand Cross of Saint Michael and Saint George from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.??
After 37 years in public life president Masire retired in 1998. In those years Botswana’s circumstances had changed significantly from what the economic experts foresaw.??From 1966 to 1998 Botswana achieved the world’s highest annual economic growth rate of any country in the world.??In the words of Masire, “We built and sustained a multi-party democracy; the vast majority of our people enjoyed improved health, education, and increased incomes and employment opportunities; and we managed our way through a dangerous security situation created by our neighbours.”??
Transparency International rated Botswana as having one of the lowest levels of corruption in Africa, indeed lower than many European countries.??
Botswana had active and vocal opposition parties because C believed strongly that, “In a democratic system, parties that are in opposition to the government of the day have an important role to play. If opposition parties are strong and full of ideas, they sharpen the wits of the governing party and keep it on its toes. If the opposition parties are weak or lacking in ideas about alternative policies, they weaken both the country and the ruling party.”??
Botswana also developed a vigorous and independent press.??And Botswana achieved a reputation for principled positions and leadership in regional affairs, especially during the long struggle to liberate Southern Africa from colonialism and racist white minority regimes.
Masire was one of the founders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC).??
All this did not happen by chance; it was the result of prudent leadership which brought about Botswana’s successes.??This prudent leadership was succinctly summed up by the Motswana politician and diplomat Dr Gaositwe Chiepe, in one word: “Teamwork.”
Masire agreed that it summed up their approach very well.?“The times we were most successful were when we worked together, both as politicians and with civil servants. Our success could not have been achieved had we not found able people, convinced them to enter politics or the public service, and encouraged and enabled them to work productively with one another. Our failures came at those times when we lost the commitment to teamwork, consultation, consensus and cooperation.”??
After leaving office, Masire divided his time between his passion for farming and as a global statesman in conflict resolution. He often worked through his Sir Ketumile Masire Foundation.??
In 1998 he was appointed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to chair an International Panel of Eminent Personalities which investigated the circumstances of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.??A 300-page report on the Rwanda genocide was produced which concluded that it was preventable. Individuals and governments were culpable.?
After finalising the Rwanda report Masire was appointed to facilitate the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, 2000-03, with the objective of bringing about a new political dispensation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This appointment illustrated his great, inimitable leadership.??
Dr Salim Salim, the secretary general of the OAU, told him the Congolese parties were looking for possible candidates to be a facilitator.??The three principal belligerents had to agree, and they had rejected 11 other individuals but all agreed on Masire.??
Drawing on his long experience as leader of Botswana, he knew he needed to understand all the issues, so each party would feel its concerns were being addressed. A great deal of patience was required and this he had aplenty.??Throughout his three years and three months working on the Inter-Congolese dialogue, Masire tried to keep everyone involved and informed — whether they were inside or outside. He wanted to be sure that those outside exercised influence for good where they could, and also that they did not give the wrong signals that would encourage the belligerents or other parties to be too stubborn.??
The dialogue gave the Congolese their first opportunity to come together to frame a future for their country. They had never been through a democratic process of consultation, and Masire had to start at the very beginning. He pressed them to achieve what he believed they could.??At one stage one of the participants asked Masire how he could be certain that if they agreed to the proposals, the other sides would also agree. Masire told them what he always told aspiring politicians in Botswana: there is always a risk in politics in a democratic setup. If you are afraid to take a risk, you cannot be a politician.
He said it was reasonable to assume that if others saw one party was accommodating, as was true of some of the participants, then those others would also begin to be accommodating.?The closing ceremony and the signing of the Inter-Congolese dialogue took place on 2 April 2003 in Sun City, South Africa. But its implementation was difficult. Periodic fighting continued, and a constitution was not adopted until early in 2006.??
As we celebrate his centennial birthday we remember Sir Ketumile Masire with immense joy and pride as a man who was positively animated with life. He reflected as St Irenaeus said “the glory of God in humanity fully alive”. We remember his sterling leadership ingrained in his love of God and humanity.??We remember “a man for all seasons”, a teacher, farmer, journalist, politician, peacemaker and family man. On a personal note, a great friend, mentor and father-in-law.??
We remember a man who was inspired and guided by good values that transformed Botswana from an impoverished country to a middle income nation, testament to his prudent leadership.?We remember an unassuming leader who deserves to be remembered as one of the greatest African pioneers of post-colonial history.
He personified the values of botho, or ubuntu, which promotes the value of a person’s interconnectedness with their community. That is what makes a person truly great.??
We remember a wise mediator in various conflicts as illustrated in investigating the causes of the genocide in Rwanda, and working towards peace in the bloody conflicts of eastern DRC.?He was a towering peacemaker in our world who laid the foundation of peace in the DRC on which the Congolese must build and preserve. He was also the SADC mediator for Lesotho.??
Sir Ketumile was a respected voice and model leader for peace and good governance on the African continent and beyond. He truly was a great man and may his memory be a blessing to us.
We remember Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a man blessed by God with faith, moral courage, compassion, tolerance, kindness, intelligence, integrity and decency. These are attributes our world needs in today’s leaders to resolve the challenges we face.
The Right Reverend Dr Musonda Trevor Selwyn Mwamba (formerly Bishop of Botswana) is the president of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), Zambia.
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