Clue of the week: 26A Band to dissolve for good (3,3)
Put Africa’s natural resources in balance sheet:
The International Monetary Fund recently estimated the monetary value of ecosystem services — especially carbon sequestration — provided by one whale to be about $ 2??million over its lifetime.
This underlines the significance of ecosystem restoration, biodiversity, wildlife conservation and ecotourism in Africa and elsewhere. These elements are crucial in the continent’s efforts to adapt to and mitigate climate change. They are also integrally connected to the problems of food and water insecurity and poverty, the solutions to which sometimes threaten biodiversity preservation efforts.
Mainstream economics’ growth models were, until the late 1980s with the adoption of the sustainable use paradigm, dominated by efforts to quantify the economic value of factors of production — entrepreneurship, labour and capital, without accounting for the negative externalities from production that were offloaded on the natural environment.
Natural ecosystems were seen as resources to be exploited for production, the environmental costs of which were externalised through the system of national accounts (SNA), which still counts GDP today absent of ecological and social costs.
While efforts have been made by economists and biologists to quantify environmental value and subsequently any damage to ecosystems, the SNA still treats the environment as a secondary priority, not integral to how economies are built and sustained.
For example, the valuation of ecosystems often occurs in the aftermath of an oil spill or major industrial environmental disaster. Even then, damage to the natural environment is often considered merely part of the cost of doing business.
This thinking remains pervasive, despite the increased attention paid to nature and the effect of climate change entering the corporate zeitgeist. Consider, for example, the effect on the environment of soy farming or cattle ranching in Brazil and its contribution to the destruction of the Amazon rainforest, or how the destruction of mangrove forests contributes to the reduction in water quality and increased flood risks.
But if a blue whale can be reliably valued at about $ 2??million in terms of carbon absorbed over its lifetime, and the estimated global population or “stock” of blue whales at the time was almost $ 1??trillion, then there is an argument for resource economics and pursuing sustainability and biodiversity preservation considering the climate crisis.
If we are to meet net zero carbon emissions by 2050, the Paris Agreement and sustainable development goals, businesses and countries need to pay significant attention to the economic value and risks connected to nature, in addition to the implementation and achievement of the goals of the Global Biodiversity Framework. Or we risk having them as some la-la land dream sequence.
One may ask what whales and biodiversity have to do with Africa. All these things are easy for the Global North to worry about because their basic needs are met. After all, Africa has serious issues limiting development, from crippling national debt to food, water and energy insecurity and loss and damage caused by climate change.
Africa is disproportionately affected by climate change. The continent experiences severe droughts, floods and other extreme weather events, exacerbating socio-economic problems.
Rising temperatures and unpredictable rainfall threaten agricultural productivity, leading to food insecurity and displacement of people. Climate-driven migration may also fuel conflict. Pollution caused by commercial, agricultural and industrial activities further limits accessibility to clean and safe drinking water, and contaminated water sources damage vulnerable ecosystems that individuals depend on for their livelihoods.
This further increases the natural environment’s fragility and reduces countries’ already limited fiscal capacity to fund climate adaptation strategies.
While Africa faces some of the worst effects of climate change and lacks the fiscal capacity to respond, the continent’s rich biodiversity and ecosystems are vital for the global carbon cycle — even as they are degraded by climate change fuelled by human activities.
The Congo Basin, for instance, is crucial for regulating the global climate, despite being highly vulnerable to deforestation.
Africa has forests and other marine and terrestrial ecosystems that are essential to realising net zero emissions. These are assets, the value of which needs to be credibly quantified to encourage their conservation, even as other problems remain.
In addition to the Congo Basin being one of the “lungs of the Earth”, the continent has some of the world’s most effective ocean carbon capture ecosystems.
The continent is also home to wetland, grassland, dryland and other ecosystems of plants and animals, all critical for carbon storage. These ecosystems have the potential to absorb and store significant amounts of carbon dioxide and support the natural achievement of net zero.
Yet, the spectre of climate change looms large over Africa’s natural carbon sinks, with increased temperatures contributing to desertification, erosion and ocean acidification. Human activities, including overfishing, illegal timber and wildlife trades and usage of certain fertilisers and industrial activities, further reduce the continent’s ability to act as a carbon sink.
Preserving and protecting Africa’s carbon sinks are critical to the global future. But we must also be cautious of the slow and steady creep of potential green colonialism — the ignorant do-gooding in the name of the global good, which preys on power imbalances and results in false solutions that are dangerous distractions.
Mass tree planting of a single species is considered a great solution to natural carbon storage. But, without adequate planning, understanding of the land and consultation with the local residents, these efforts create “green deserts” — a monoculture of trees with limited ecosystem and biodiversity value.
Green deserts are a manifestation of climate colonialism and greenwashing that must be avoided. Instead, promoting ecosystem restoration through integrating and indigenous knowledge systems and practices is critical, because people have coexisted with the land for generations and possess knowledge and insights on maintaining them.
International cooperation and support are critical for successfully quantifying the value of Africa’s biodiversity and achieving net zero while promoting sustainable development on the continent.
Moreover, people’s inclusion provides an opportunity for job creation through activities such as ecotourism, creating benefits for the local residents and a stake in the ownership of an asset that has been demonstrated to have tangible value.
Given the challenging fiscal conditions faced by many African countries, debt-for-nature swops offer a promising approach to harness the economic value of their biodiversity and ecosystems while achieving fiscal sustainability.
These arrangements involve debt forgiveness in return for commitments to environmental conservation.
By alleviating financial pressures and supporting sustainable practices, debt-for-nature swops provide a viable method to combine debt relief with ecological and biodiversity preservation.
Given the economic value of blue whales and other natural assets highlights that the factors of production that are measured and given value can no longer simply be capital, non-environmental assets, labour and entrepreneurship.
Biodiversity and nature must factor into the equation.
Africa’s unique challenges and opportunities make it a critical player in the global effort to achieve net zero and build a sustainable future.
Through global collaboration, avoiding green deserts and green colonialism, while promoting investments in the continent’s natural capital, there is an opportunity for a climate-resilient, prosperous and sustainable Africa.
Vincent Obisie-Orlu is a researcher in the natural resource governance programme at Good Governance Africa.
GNU: South Africa’s new social contract goes beyond political parties:
The government of national unity’s concept carries profound implications in South Africa’s political landscape, suggesting a coalition where diverse political groups collaborate for the greater good. But recent criticisms, including from figures like former president Jacob Zuma, cast doubt on the current government’s alignment with this ideal, raising concerns about transparency and public perception.
As South Africa grapples with its complex past and envisions a hopeful future, the notion of forging a new social contract and the potential effect of a government of national unity (GNU) have emerged as pivotal themes. The recent episode of The Big Debate, featuring a diverse panel of thinkers and activists, underscored the urgency of addressing these issues to heal our nation and build a more inclusive and equitable society.
A new social contract for South Africa is not merely a political or legal document, it is a collective agreement encompassing our shared values, aspirations and commitments to each other as citizens. It requires acknowledging the deep wounds inflicted by centuries of colonialism and apartheid, as articulated by decolonial scholar Dr Wanelisa Xaba. She poignantly described South Africa as a “500-year-old infected wound”, highlighting the need for more than just superficial fixes like the democratic promises of 1994. While groundbreaking in many ways, our Constitution cannot address the persisting profound structural and intergenerational traumas.
Section 18 of the GNU framework mandates that decisions must be made by consensus, requiring all parties to agree for a decision to be approved. This provision ensures that diverse viewpoints are considered and integrated into policymaking. But this also raises questions about the efficiency and practicality of such an approach. How will the unity government handle potential deadlocks, and can it move beyond mere symbolic unity to achieve tangible results?
Section 19 provides provisions for cases where consensus cannot be reached, allowing parties to formally record their objections and consider them before a 60% majority decides. This mechanism aims to balance inclusivity with the need for decisive action. Will this “sufficient consensus” system maintain unity and progress, or will it lead to further fragmentation and inefficiency?
One of the critical issues that the new social contract must address is xenophobia. South Africa has witnessed numerous outbreaks of violence against foreign nationals, often fuelled by economic frustrations and misguided perceptions that foreigners are taking jobs and resources from locals. This xenophobia undermines our national unity and tarnishes our commitment to human rights and dignity.
Methodist Bishop Paul Verryn highlighted the importance of addressing the root causes of xenophobia, which include poverty, unemployment and poor education. He stated, “We must adopt a compassionate and inclusive approach that sees foreign nationals not as criminals but as fellow human beings contributing to the country’s diversity and economic vitality.”
The concept of a GNU offers a framework for inclusive governance that could bring together diverse political perspectives to address our nation’s most pressing challenges. The new cabinet, which includes members from various political parties, exemplifies this inclusive approach.
- ANC: The ANC, as the predominant party within the unity government, retains significant control over key portfolios, focusing on social justice, economic transformation, and infrastructural development. But critical questions arise regarding the party’s ability to deliver on these promises amid persistent allegations of corruption, internal factionalism and policy mismanagement. How will the ANC reconcile its historical mandate with the demands for accountability and transparency that define effective governance in a modern democratic society?
- Democratic Alliance (DA): The DA’s presence in the GNU signifies a commitment to principles of good governance, economic liberalisation, and anti-corruption measures. Yet, scepticism persists over whether the DA’s neoliberal economic policies align with the broader socioeconomic needs of South Africa, particularly concerning issues of income inequality, land redistribution, and social welfare. How does the DA intend to balance its pro-business stance with the imperative to uplift marginalised communities and address historical injustices?
South Africa’s government of national unity is not the first of its kind. For example, Kenya’s unity government, formed in 2008 after post-election violence, showed how political inclusivity can stabilise a country. Zimbabwe’s GNU from 2009 to 2013 also aimed to restore economic stability and peace. These examples demonstrate both the potential benefits and challenges of such coalitions.
While South Africa’s GNU framework offers a semblance of unity and cooperation, the effectiveness of such a coalition hinges on more than just political representation. It demands rigorous oversight, transparent decision-making processes and genuine collaboration for meaningful reform. Can a coalition encompassing such divergent ideologies and priorities deliver coherent policies that benefit all South Africans, or will it succumb to internal discord and ideological clashes?
In the words of our Constitution preamble, “We, the people of South Africa, recognise the injustices of our past, honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land, respect those who have worked to build and develop our country, and believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.” This vision must guide us as we work towards a new social contract and a truly united nation.
To achieve this vision, we need to take specific steps. Policymakers should pledge to participate in real collaboration, rigorous oversight and transparent decision-making processes. Citizens must hold their leaders accountable and take an active role in rebuilding our society. We can create a more inclusive and equitable South Africa by working together.
Thabo Motshweni is a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University of Johannesburg.
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