Handmade Highland bagpipes face decline as mass production takes over:
The Highland bagpipe is an integral part of Scottish culture and history, famous for its distinctive, powerful sound that even accompanied troops as they landed in northern France on D-Day.
But the wind instrument is slowly growing silent as demand dwindles and machine-made bagpipes replace traditionally crafted ones, consigning their use to largely ceremonial occasions.
Just off Edinburgh’s historic Royal Mile, which sweeps down from the city’s imposing castle to the Palace of Holyroodhouse, is a faded storefront sign for artisan bagpipe maker Kilberry Bagpipes.
Inside, Ruari Black is one of only a few remaining craftsmen in Edinburgh who knows how to make the instrument by hand.
“At Kilberry, we’re one of the last artisan bagpipe makers — certainly in Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland — but probably all around the world,” Black said as he shaped a pipe with a lathe.
“It’s got a big sound, it’ll fill a room,” said Black, describing the nine stages it takes to make the intricate instrument.
After boring and shaping the pipes, they are fitted with mounts and ferrules before adding the finishing touches and setting up the components.
The whole process takes around a week, with the craftsmen working on multiple bagpipes at the same time.
The finished product has “our distinct sound”, according to Black. “Every set, we’re striving to have that consistency across, to make sure they’re sounding the same.”
Each handmade set also has “its own character, in terms of looks, in terms of feel”, making it attractive to customers from around the world, he added.
The current wait time for an artisan Highland bagpipe is two years on Kilberry’s website.
Best-known form
“Customers are coming to us for a set of handmade pipes, they’re generally coming for the handmade aspect,” Black said.
“They’re wanting the sound we strive to produce — the thing we want to be known for.”
Clients include experienced pipers as well as newcomers looking to buy their “first practice chanter” — the part of the bagpipe with finger holes, where the melody is played.
While bagpipes have been recorded in Scottish history for some 600 years, the origins remain unclear.
Different variations found around the world include the Irish bagpipe, the Northumbrian smallpipes and the Turkish tulum.
In Brittany, northwest France, a band called a bagad is composed of Breton bagpipes, or biniou, and drums.
However, the Highland bagpipe remains the best-known form, and has had significant influence in the military music of Britain and Commonwealth countries.
Every year, the Royal Edinburgh Military Tattoo — a series of military musical performances with massed pipe bands — takes place at the top of the Royal Mile.
The last song played at Queen Elizabeth II’s funeral in 2022 was a rendition of the lament “Sleep, Dearie, Sleep”, played by her personal piper.
‘Means a lot’
Despite its enduring cultural significance, the traditionally handmade Highland bagpipe is vanishing. Unlike Kilberry, most other producers now use machinery.
However, Black said it is easy to differentiate the instruments, with machine-made ones missing the “hand-turned” shapes and decorative designs that his bagpipes have.
Despite having fewer workers and taking longer to make each bagpipe, they “try and keep the cost down for customers to still have a handmade instrument”, said Black.
“So it’s kind of up to the customer to choose us over mass-produced.”
Some mass-manufactured bagpipes can also be told apart by their use of imitation ivory for the mounts, according to Black.
The artisans are trying to be more sustainable without compromising on quality.
For Black, there is no alternative to making bagpipes by hand.
“Keeping it handmade means a lot to me — it’s the way it’s always been done. It just feels right,” he added.
“For something that’s completely dying out, it’s not nice to be one of the last… but it’s nice to be carrying that on.”
© Agence France-Presse
100 Days of GNU: South Africa’s ‘forced marriage’ is working for the country:
The 2024 general elections left South Africa’s political players in a peculiar position.
The ANC had its back against the wall for the first time since democracy, and the Democratic Alliance (DA) and Freedom Front Plus had to partner with the party they had so openly bashed.
Although the 10 parties may give you a different reason for the formation of the government of national unity, the truth is the GNU is a forced marriage that will either blossom into a beautiful union that will be the envy of the fractured “progressive caucus” or it will blow up in everyone’s face.
What is a marriage without difficulties and differences? And when big personalities come together, it is bound to be a tricky union.
The DA’s stance on the Israel-Palestine conflict foreshadowed the parties’ great differences and challenges the GNU would face. Many criticised the DA for siding with Israel and threatened not to vote for the party in the general elections; later the DA stated it was neutral on the Gaza matter.
Another clash was seen in the negotiation process when DA federal chairperson Helen Zille allowed her ego to get the better of her and threatened the proceedings. She has continued to voiced her concerns at every turn.
Back in June, the Patriotic Alliance expressed its anger towards utterances made by Zille regarding the PA’s inclusion in the unity government. Zille recognises the power and influence the DA holds in the GNU and has even said the DA could walk away from the negotiation table.
ANC secretary general Fikile Mbalula said Zille was free to leave if she wished.
A key part of the GNU’s long-term success will lie in the ability of certain figures to put their inflated egos aside and focus on the betterment of South Africa and its citizens.
The first 100 days of the government of national unity can be unpacked in many ways. But the most obvious talking points are Zille’s actions, divisions caused by the Basic Education Laws Amendment (Bela) Act and positive collaboration in the cabinet and at different levels of government.
KwaZulu-Natal is one of the provincial governments that has so far successfully adopted the unity government. The ANC was booted out by the newly formed uMkhonto weSizwe party, but parties formed a coalition government that narrowly excluded the MK party.
At national level, ministers got out of their starting blocks quickly, displaying their intent to work cohesively.
Proof of this is Public Works and Infrastructure Minister Dean Macpherson. He has worked with municipalities such as Tshwane, eThekwini and Cape Town to establish technical task teams between the cities and the department to address state-owned buildings that have been hijacked, and is intent on using state assets for the public good.
A major talking point is the work being done by Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber to revive that dilapidated department.
The new sheriff means business, which is evident in how much he has achieved in his first 100 days as minister, including reducing the backlog in processing visas and permit applications. He has also expressed his intention to reactivate the immigration advisory board, which South Africa has been without for close to 10 years.
The biggest crack we have seen under the GNU is the DA’s opposition to the Bela Act, going as far as using the term “non-negotiable”. The ANC and President Cyril Ramaphosa have appeared to be calm in their response to the DA’s unhappiness.
This is a tricky situation for both parties.
Should the ANC, the bigger party in the GNU, get its way or will the DA continue to throw its weight around and swing this in its favour?
In the meantime, Ramaphosa has placed a three-month hold on the implementation of two clauses. The standoff is important because it is a test of the unity government’s foundation. Both parties will need to remember that the people of South Africa come first.
Other parties in the GNU have not been as vocal as the DA and ANC, which is an indication of who is calling the shots in the marriage.
This week, academics, legal experts and social justice advocates gathered at a University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) webinar to unpack the 100 days of the GNU and its implications for democracy. It was interesting that many minds see the unity government in a positive light.
Zakhele Ndlovu, a political science lecturer at UKZN, said the formation of the MK party was a “blessing in disguise” because the ANC might have retained a majority vote and GNU would not have been formed.
The unity government has brought a much-needed change to the country. KwaZulu-Natal Premier Thamsanqa Ntuli has already ensured much work has been done, including the launch of the KZN Women’s Advancement Fund in August and the provincial planting season.
Ndlovu also praised the GNU for getting rid of parties’ bragging rights: “Frankly I don’t think it’s good for our country to have a dominant political party such as the ANC has been over the years, because it brings about complacency and arrogance.”
He said that South Africans can now look beyond parties and race, which augurs well for the country.
Noluthando Dlamini and Enzokuhle Sabela are final-year journalism students at Durban University of Technology.
A surge in violent crime is threatening jobs and businesses:
South Africans are facing a surge in brutal crimes, with rising cases of gender-based violence (GBV), assault and kidnapping threatening lives, livelihoods and the fabric of communities.
This was among the findings of the 2024 Violence Survey released by RCS in partnership with BNP Paribas and the Whitaker Peace and Development Initiative (WPDI) this week, which found that respondents had increasing concerns about their personal safety and deepening violence across the country.
The study, which explores the impact of violence on vulnerable communities and its effect on business operations, surveyed individuals from violence-affected communities in Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape, as well as corporates across a wide range of sectors, including services, construction, retail, hospitality, financial and manufacturing.
Whitaker Peace and Development Initiative conflict resolution and peace building expert Siphathisiwe Dhlamini said there had been a decrease in the number of crimes in 2024 but an increase in the severity of violence.
“The violence survey findings mirror the Q1 2024 crime statistics published by SAPS [South African Police Service], which show that extreme violence has become more prevalent,” Dhlamini said.
According to the survey, incidents of being threatened with a weapon rose from 57% in 2023 to 62% in 2024, while cases of being physically attacked and injured increased from 51% to 53% for the period.
There was also a hike in reported kidnappings and abductions, which rose from 11% in 2023 to 16% in 2024, with a higher prevalence in the Western Cape.
Eighty-two percent of respondents reported feeling unsafe in their community while 81% felt that violence had increased due to the rising cost of living. About 36% of respondents, double the number recorded in 2020, claimed to have never felt safe in 2024.
Clayton Williams, chief executive of Cape BPO, which aims to attract overseas companies to the Western Cape and to train and employ the youth, said the country ranked low, at 127th position, out of 163 countries in the Global Peace Index 2023.
“To put this into perspective, on the safety and security index, which looks specifically at political instability, criminality, violence and unrest, South Africa ranks number 12 in the world with an economic cost of violence as a percentage of GDP, sitting at 15.38%,” Williams said.
“Our unfortunate reality is that this environment of persistent inequality, crime and violence continues to threaten our inherent sense of safety and security as individuals and as communities.”
The survey found that reports of verbal abuse, threats of violence and the destruction of property had declined and there was a 2% decrease in the impact of violence on respondents’ physical or mental ability to do their jobs effectively, as well as a 6% decrease in the effects of violence on general psychological distress.
In assessing the effect of violence on livelihoods the study assessed four key areas of influence: loss of income or a job; being late for work, school or tertiary education; being absent from work, school or tertiary education and being physically or mentally hindered in ability to perform in the workplace.
“The survey demonstrates that violence continues to impact livelihoods and well-being with a significant rise in loss of income or job reported by over half of the respondents (51%) as a result of their experience with violence — a 12% increase when compared to 2023,” Dhlamini said.
GBV remained a pervasive problem as 46% of respondents reported that they had been victims of this crime — 53% of women respondents said they had been affected by it compared to 38% of men.
Verbal assaults remain the most common type of GBV perpetrated against women, with a 5% increase in being verbally threatened with violence, and a 7% increase in kidnappings.
“In 2024, there is a significant increase in females who are too scared to go out and enjoy their usual activities. Additionally, there is a noticeable increase in those who live in fear and more have stated that their job has been impacted,” Dhlamini said.
About 60% of women said GBV has negatively impacted their self-confidence, while 29% said it has impacted their jobs. A total of 59% reported that GBV has caused them to stop going out to do the things they enjoy, while 54% live in fear.
Many expressed the fear that, if they left their partners, the violence against them would only escalate. Some fear leaving because their partner, or violent family member, provides for them financially — in one case a child victim refused to report repeated rapes because the perpetrator was the sole breadwinner.
“Tackling GBV requires a strategic, targeted intervention involving multiple stakeholders across society. However, this is especially urgent in the workplace, where only 54% of women feel their employer offers them sufficient support.
“Men also expressed concerns about how violence affects their income and job security,” Dhlamini said.
Crime and employees
According to the survey, the ripple effect of violence on employees is constraining businesses.
Almost half of corporate respondents (46%) reported that community violence is a major contributing factor to employee absenteeism, while 67 said absenteeism hampers business productivity. In addition, 25% of corporate respondents said absenteeism hampers employee career growth.
However, there were notable decreases in the number of corporates who believed that community violence affects employee “presenteeism” (where staff are present at work but not focused due to distress), well-being and career growth.
RCS human resources executive Sandy Richardson said this softening may suggest that the impact is being underestimated or that businesses are adapting.
However, there was a 10% decline in the number of corporations who said they are actively taking steps to assist employees living in violent areas (from 72% in 2023 to 62% in 2024).
Richardson said that while businesses appeared to be doing less, many maintained consistent initiatives focused on staff transport, accommodation and counselling, including psychological and emotional support.
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