Pretoria summons US ambassador as diplomatic strain grows with Washington:
South Africa has summoned the United States ambassador to Pretoria after remarks criticising the country’s policies and appearing to question the authority of its courts, deepening a diplomatic rift that has widened since Donald Trump returned to the White House.
International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ronald Lamola confirmed the move during a department of international relations and cooperation (Dirco) media briefing in Pretoria on Wednesday, where he addressed current geopolitical developments.
Lamola said the US ambassador to South Africa, Leo Brent Bozell III, had been called in for a formal diplomatic demarche following comments the government described as “undiplomatic”.
“We took his comments with a very dim view, hence we called him in,” Lamola said.
According to Dirco officials, the meeting was the second engagement between Bozell and South African officials since his arrival in the country last month. Dirco director-general Zane Dangor said the ambassador expressed regret during the meeting and apologised for remarks that appeared to undermine South Africa’s judiciary.
Dangor said Bozell reaffirmed that he wanted to work constructively with the South African government and that the US mission had issued a public apology on social media.
The diplomatic protest followed comments Bozell made on Tuesday during a meeting with business leaders where he criticised several South African policies, including its diplomatic ties with Iran and its affirmative action laws aimed at addressing racial inequality.
His remarks also touched on the politically sensitive issue of a liberation struggle chant that South African courts have ruled does not constitute hate speech when used in a political context.
The comments triggered political backlash and renewed debate about the limits of diplomatic engagement in domestic political issues.
Lamola said South Africa had made it clear that its courts are independent institutions whose rulings must be respected.
“Our courts are very independent,” he said. “They deal with matters through our constitutional processes.”
The dispute comes amid growing tension between Washington and Pretoria. Relations between the two countries have deteriorated since Trump returned to the presidency earlier this year.
The US administration has repeatedly criticised South Africa’s black-led government, accusing it of pursuing policies that disadvantage white citizens and aligning its foreign policy with governments hostile to the US.
Trump has also criticised South Africa’s foreign policy positions, including its diplomatic engagement with Iran and its legal action against Israel at the International Court of Justice.
Lamola rejected claims that South Africa’s domestic policies discriminate against minorities and defended the government’s transformation agenda. “Broad-based black economic empowerment is not reverse racism,” he said.
The minister also defended the Expropriation Act, which has drawn criticism in US political circles. Lamola said the legislation does not undermine property rights and that expropriation without compensation remains a measure of last resort subject to strict procedural safeguards.
Those who oppose the law, he said, have already challenged it in South Africa’s courts. “Our constitutional system allows those grievances to be addressed through independent judicial processes,” Lamola said.
Despite the diplomatic friction, the government signalled that it intends to maintain a pragmatic relationship with Washington.
The US remains one of South Africa’s most important economic partners, with bilateral trade between the two countries estimated at about $ 15 billion annually.
South African companies also maintain investments in the US, particularly in sectors such as energy and chemicals, while South Africa remains a significant supplier of critical minerals used in global industrial supply chains and the energy transition.
Officials also sought to clarify speculation that Washington had presented South Africa with a list of political demands.
Dangor said no formal letter outlining such demands had been received. Instead, the issues surfaced during discussions linked to trade negotiations between the two countries. “There was no formal ask for South Africa to withdraw from BRICS,” he said.
Lamola used the briefing to outline Pretoria’s response to rising geopolitical tensions, including the latest escalation in the Middle East.
South Africa reiterated its condemnation of what Lamola described as violations of international law following recent strikes involving the US, Israel and Iran.
At the same time, he said Iran’s response also breached international law by violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Gulf states. Lamola warned that the conflict could have global economic consequences, including rising inflation, energy insecurity and disruptions to food supply chains through fertiliser shocks.
He said he had spoken with counterparts in several Gulf countries, many of whom insisted they had not supported or facilitated the strikes on Iran. “They have made it clear that they did not aid or support those attacks and refused for their facilities to be used,” Lamola said.
The government is also monitoring the safety of South Africans in the region. Dirco spokesperson Clayson Monyela said some South Africans had already returned home using commercial flights as airspace reopened in parts of the region. Others crossed land borders into neighbouring countries where flights were still operating.
Contingency plans remain in place should commercial travel become difficult. The briefing also highlighted South Africa’s continued focus on regional diplomacy within Africa.
Lamola said foreign ministers from the Southern African Development Community would meet this week to assess progress on the bloc’s 10-year regional integration framework.
The most recent assessment places regional integration within the bloc at about 21%. The upcoming discussions will focus on improving cross-border infrastructure, expanding one-stop border posts and strengthening regional trade coordination mechanisms.
Ministers will also discuss developing a regional strategy for critical minerals, an area of growing geopolitical competition as countries seek to secure supply chains for the global energy transition.
South Africa is expected to sign a tripartite agreement with Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo aimed at strengthening cooperation in this sector. For Pretoria, the developments underscore the increasingly complex diplomatic terrain it must navigate as geopolitical rivalries intensify.
Lamola said South Africa’s foreign policy remains anchored in non-alignment. “South Africa’s non-alignment does not entail a preference for any geopolitical bloc.” Instead, he said, the approach allows South Africa to engage with multiple partners while taking positions guided by international law and human rights.
“We remain steadfast in our resistance to being drawn into great power constellations,” Lamola said. “Our priority is a global governance system that is fair and inclusive.”
China announces major push to strengthen its partnership with Africa amid US trade tension:
Amid strained ties between Africa and the Trump administration, China has announced plans to strengthen its relationship with the continent.
While the US has imposed heavy trade tariffs on African countries, focusing mainly on raw materials, China has unveiled a new economic package that includes full zero-tariff access for 100% of African imports, effective from 1 May.
As part of the “China-Africa Year of People-to-People Exchanges”, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said Africa would see many developments marking 70 years of China-Africa friendship.
Wang described the relationship as having “stood the test of changing international circumstances” and having “strong vitality”, adding that China would take fresh steps to build a community with a shared future.
“We will host multiple African leaders to strengthen mutual support as all-weather partners and write a new chapter of our shared journey,” he said.
“As part of China’s commitment to high-standard opening up, we are removing tariffs completely to boost trade, multiply benefits for the people and help Africa access the enormous opportunities of the Chinese market.”
Wang said there were nearly 600 events that would take place under the China-Africa Year of People-to-People Exchanges.
“We are always ready to work with our African brothers and sisters to draw inspiration from our civilisational heritages, forge a stronger bond between our people and carry forward our friendship for many generations to come.”
He said Chinese President Xi Jinping “still deeply values the bond with Africa”.
“He emphasises sincerity, real results, amity and good faith in working with Africa, always reminding us of our friendship and shared interests with the continent. This approach has helped to take China-Africa cooperation to new heights,” he added.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has involved more than 53 African countries in multibillion-rand infrastructure projects, including railways, roads, ports and energy facilities, designed to enhance connectivity and boost trade.
The projects, which exceed 12 000km of transport infrastructure, also support job creation, industrialisation and digital development, acting as an alternative and efficient source of development.
The BRI, also known as the One Belt One Road and sometimes called the New Silk
Road, is a global infrastructure and economic development strategy of the government of China. The initiative was launched by Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi while visiting Kazakhstan in 2013.
Africa, rich in minerals such as oil, diamonds, platinum, gold, uranium and copper, represented about 20% of the world’s population but less than 3% of global GDP, with only 6% of global energy resources, André Thomashausen, the professor emeritus at the University of South Africa, said.
He said China’s “win-win approach” had helped rebuild essential transport, administrative, energy and communication infrastructure while fostering friendly relations.
“The Chinese win-win approach to investments in Africa, has helped significantly to rebuild most essential transport, administrative, energy and communication infrastructures on the continent,” he said. “Unlike the European Union and the USA, China does not tie investments to political conditionalities. This way friendly relations have been able to grow steadily.”
David Monyae, an associate professor of political science and international relations at the University of Johannesburg, concurred. “The China–Africa relationship is often described as one that has ‘stood the test of time’ and this characterisation is not merely rhetorical.
“Its foundations date back to the anti-colonial struggles of the 1950s and 1960s, when China offered diplomatic and material support to African liberation movements and newly independent states.”
He said one of the most symbolic examples of the early solidarity was the construction of the Tanzania–Zambia Railway in the 1970s, which was financed and built with Chinese assistance at a time when many Western institutions were reluctant to support the project.
Since then, Monyae said, the relationship had evolved but maintained a strong element of political trust.
In the post–Cold War era, cooperation was institutionalised through the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (Focac), established in 2000.
“Through Focac, China and African countries have developed structured frameworks for cooperation, covering infrastructure development, trade, industrialisation, public health and capacity-building.”
Importantly, the relationship had continued to deepen despite shifts in the international system, including the rise of geopolitical competition and global economic turbulence.
“China has remained Africa’s largest trading partner for more than a decade, while
Chinese investment has played a visible role in addressing the continent’s
infrastructure deficit,” Monyae said.
On why the same could not be said for US-Africa relations, Monyae said the durability of
China’s engagement with Africa was rooted in several key principles.
“Underpinned by the principle of South–South cooperation, China presents its relationship with Africa as a partnership among developing countries with shared historical experiences of colonialism, underdevelopment and marginalisation within the global system.”
On the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs, he said that while the principle was sometimes debated, it had nevertheless been attractive to many African governments, wary of conditionalities often associated with Western aid and development finance.
“In emphasising development and infrastructure, Chinese cooperation has focused heavily on roads, railways, ports, power stations and industrial parks — areas that African leaders have long identified as critical for economic transformation. In this sense, China’s engagement has been closely aligned with Africa’s developmental priorities.
“The institutional consistency provided by Focac has ensured continuity in engagement through regular summits, action plans and concrete implementation mechanisms.”
Monyae said the Middle East crisis underscored the broader transformation of the international system toward a more multipolar order.
“For many countries in Africa, the crisis highlights the risks associated with over-dependence on any single global power or geopolitical bloc. In this context, Africa’s partnerships with countries such as China can be understood as part of a broader strategy of diversification.
“Rather than aligning exclusively with one camp, many African states are seeking to expand their diplomatic and economic options. For its part, China has attempted to position itself as a supporter of multilateralism and peaceful resolution of conflicts.”
Monyae said that while its influence in the Middle East was evolving, Beijing had increasingly sought to play a diplomatic role, emphasising dialogue and negotiation.
“Ultimately, the China–Africa relationship should be viewed within the broader context of the rising Global South. As emerging economies and developing regions seek a stronger voice in global governance, partnerships like those between China and Africa are likely to remain central to shaping the contours of a more multipolar international order.”
The Mazda CX-3 Carbon Edition is too little car for too much money:
I remember having the Mazda CX-30 on test last year and feeling like it was the perfect sporty crossover from the brand that encompassed that sporty feeling both inside and outside its vehicles.
No matter how low the driver’s seat, it provided that feeling and had sufficient space to carry the family around with no issues.
This year, I jumped into the Mazda CX-3 Carbon Edition, which is sort of a baby version of the CX-30. I had my reservations from the start.
The CX-30 did not need to get any smaller. The CX-3 is compact, to the extreme.
On a short trip from Sandton to Pretoria, we struggled with space for four adults and a child. That’s when I began to wonder why the CX-3 exists in the space between the Mazda 3 and the Mazda CX-30.
Anyway, I had the vehicle for a week.
Now, don’t get me wrong, while space is an issue, the vehicle’s styling is attractive.
The CX-3 Carbon Edition is characterised by a bold, sporty design highlighted by a black roof, black mirrors and 18-inch black metallic alloy wheels.
The “Carbon Kit” includes a contrasting black roof and matching black side mirrors for a modern aesthetic.
It’s a mixed bag on the inside. Mazda always provides comfortable seats but this vehicle lacked room.
I didn’t have an issue with the 8-inch infotainment system even though it felt small compared to what you get in other vehicles nowadays. I’m a huge fan of Mazda’s commander dial that exists in the centre console, allowing the driver to control the screen effortlessly without having to touch it.
However, as seen in the new Mazda CX-5, the feature will no longer be available as Mazda has moved to the world of touchscreens.
In terms of driving, the Mazda CX-3 features a 2.0 litre naturally aspirated engine that delivers 115kW power and 206Nm torque.
It is mated to a six-speed automatic gearbox. Driving any Mazda is always lovely. Sometimes, it could use a turbocharged engine but smooth gear shifts, easy handling and sufficient power make the CX-3 a comfortable drive.
Verdict
Apart from the lack of space in the CX-3, there is no faulting Mazda when it comes to styling and the drive. Still, it doesn’t make sense where this model fits and why it exists in the space that it does.
The lower variants that start at R440 000 sound fair for the pedigree Mazda brings but at R551 600 for the Carbon Edition, there’s a lot of other vehicles on the market that I would rather choose.
Even if you stick to the brand, you can pick up an entry CX-30 for the same price or add R40 000 and pick up a CX-5.
The Carbon Edition is priced way too high for what you get.
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