Smartphone addiction is rife in teens, study shows:
Adolescents on average spend three hours and 17 minutes a day on their smartphones, with girls using their phones more than boys, new research by Stellenbosch University has revealed.
The report by Daniël le Roux from the department of information science and Jennifer Feldman from the department of education policy studies provides empirical evidence of how teenagers in South Africa use their phones, which the researchers dubbed their “constant companions”, at home and at school.
The research aims to advance understanding of the role of phones in the lives of adolescents.
It highlights key trends in smartphone ownership, use frequency, social media engagement and parental controls on screen time.
Access to these statistics is important for the planning and implementation of interventions that encourage and promote healthy phone habits among adolescents, the researchers said.
They collaborated with five former model C high schools — semi-private schools that were reserved for white students during apartheid — to collect data on how adolescents use their smartphones.
They also spoke to parents, teachers and school management teams about their attitudes towards phone use at home and in the classroom.
In total, 2?195 adolescents, 2?264 parents and 203 teachers took part in the project.
Almost all the adolescents (99.2%) had smartphones. On average, they spent 197 minutes (three hours and 17 minutes) a day on their phones, with girls using their phones more (219 minutes or three hours and 39 minutes) than boys (176 minutes or two hours and 56 minutes).
“As a researcher in this field, that is not a surprising number,” Le Roux told the Mail & Guardian.
“It is comparable to international figures. It does seem like more or less what one would expect, particularly in the Global North, so we’ll see similar figures in the United States.
“Our figures among older adolescents — student-age adolescents — would be slightly higher, so maybe 30 minutes more per day on average.
“The fact that girls spend more time on their phones is also not surprising and is in line with current findings in other places in the world,” Le Roux said.
Daily phone use increases with age and teens in higher grades tend to spend more time on their devices.
WhatsApp, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube are the most popular social media platforms among teens. Girls use social media more than boys, with over 12% reporting that they check these platforms constantly.
Boys, on the other hand, spend more time gaming on their phones (22.6 minutes a day) than girls (19.9 minutes a day). Boys also play more computer/console games (33.6 minutes a day on average) than girls (10.9 minutes a day on average).
The researchers were, however, surprised to find that, given the increase in phone use among teens in recent years, most parents do not limit or regulate the amount of time their children spend on them.
Just under 60% of adolescents indicated that their parents never limit the amount of time they can spend on their phones.
At the other end of the spectrum, 7% indicated that their screen time was always limited.
Interestingly, boys’ screen time tends to be limited more frequently than that of girls.
“The degree to which parents are uninvolved or do not regulate the smartphone use of their children surprised me,” Le Roux said.
“I would have expected in the region of 65% to 75% of parents to be fairly proactive in this regard, whereas it seems that only around 40% of parents are active.”
Phones engender a consumptive culture, he noted: “A lot of the original vision around smartphones was that we can use these phones to create videos and so on, but even on social media platforms, by far the largest proportion of users consume, rather than produce, and this is a passive and non-creative way of engaging with the medium.
“It’s not that it is always bad; you might be learning a lot, learning a new language, but there’s a lot of consumption of material that really does not require significant cognitive engagement and is problematic.”
This argument relates to displacement, he said.
“It’s not necessarily that what is being consumed is bad but that it takes one away from what can potentially be good.
“Essentially, hours on the phone displaces time that can be spent on sports or socialisation or some sort of creative work that might have more cognitive benefits in the long run for the adolescent.”
The researchers found almost all adolescents take their phones to school every day (93%) or almost every day (5%) and only 0.6% of the adolescents indicated that they never take a phone to school.
“The main motivation for this is the need to communicate with parents about after-school activities.
“Some schools also rely on mobile apps to share administrative information, making it difficult to implement blanket bans on phone use during school hours,” the authors said.
Le Roux added: “We think an optimal policy, which some schools do implement, is that you have to create some physical separation between the learner and the phone during class so that, if the learner enters class, the phone is placed in a locker.
“During class time, the learner is not able to use the phone due to the physical separation.
“But if the teacher does want to use the phone as a part of a learning activity, the learners can get up, go get their phones and they can use whatever learning app the teacher wants to use.”
While the data indicates many teachers use phones as part of teaching and learning activities, most of them believe phones should only be used in class with the teacher’s permission.
“Not surprisingly, teens are also using tools like ChatGPT and Meta AI to generate essays, orals and artwork for school projects. There can be little doubt that this trend will rapidly spread in the coming years,” the study authors said.
It is critical that the implications for teens’ learning and cognitive development are studied and appropriate guidelines developed for schools and parents. The researchers have shared their findings with the participating schools to this end.
As the study included only former model C schools, the data is not necessarily representative of local teenagers attending schools in under-served and rural communities.
The researchers attempted to include these schools but were unable to secure their participation.
The challenge for parents, educators and policymakers is to strike a balance between harnessing the educational benefits of phones and mitigating their potential negative effects, the authors said, adding that more high-quality, empirical studies are needed to guide policy decisions and interventions.
“When it comes to adults, and you’re working, obviously you have responsibilities and things that require you to spend your attention differently. However, many adults obviously spend their free time — hours and hours — consuming material online,” Le Roux said.
“Particularly among men, gaming is popular and it’s not strange to see men gaming six to seven hours over the weekend. There is high smartphone use among adults. It’s not like we suddenly stop using phones when we grow up.”
Malawi electorate’s only option is to recycle a president:
Malawi’s elections in September are likely to be one of the most consequential in the country’s recent history. President Lazarus Chakwera, who rose to power in 2020 as a symbol of hope after the infamous “Tipex elections” has since become a disappointment to many Malawians. His administration, initially celebrated for its commitment to democracy and reform, is now marred by economic struggles, corruption scandals, and unfulfilled promises.
Adding to the political drama, former president Peter Mutharika, who was ousted in the court-ordered re-run, seeks a comeback. Against this backdrop, the election is more than just a contest for power; it is a test of Malawi’s democracy, the resilience of its institutions and the people’s demand for accountability.
Chakwera’s administration promised to create a thriving economy and tackle youth unemployment, including an ambitious pledge to create one million jobs. It was exactly what a citizenry struggling to find meaningful employment wanted to hear. The international community initially rewarded Chakwera’s efforts to root out systemic and electoral corruption, seeing it as a fresh start for Malawi. But those hopes have since faded.
Instead of creating opportunities at home, the government has resorted to sending Malawian youths to work on farms in Israel under what many see as a cheap labour deal, a move widely criticised and dubbed as human trafficking and slave trade orchestrated by the highest office in the land.
Over the past few years, Chakwera’s government has increasingly followed the same troubling patterns of its predecessor, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Rather than breaking away from past failures, the new administration has delivered the same pattern of bad governance, the blossoming of corruption networks, the use of state resources to protect those accused of corruption, the continuation of nepotism, wasteful expenditure, lack of vision and planning, lack of interest in action, and, more importantly, an increased focus on appearances, false promises and self-promotion. This has left many Malawians feeling betrayed by a government they once believed would bring transformative change.
The Catholic Church, an influential voice in Malawi, has openly called out Chakwera’s government for corruption, looting public funds, failed economic policies and a looming hunger crisis. These accusations come as the country struggles to recover from Cyclone Freddy, during which many Malawians were left without adequate support from the government.
The latest Afrobarometer survey confirms what most Malawians already believe the country is on the wrong track. Seventy-six percent of respondents believe Malawi is heading in the wrong direction, with widespread dissatisfaction over the government’s failure to manage the economy, keep prices stable and create jobs. A snapshot of key economic indicators paints a grim picture: fertilizer prices have risen by 250%, maize prices have increased by 50%, sugar prices are up by 30% and bread prices by 40%. Transportation costs have jumped by 60%, further straining household budgets, while the overall cost of living has surged by 50%.
The country has also struggled with basic services. Malawi faced a severe shortage of passport booklets, forcing the government to suspend the printing of passports. The crisis escalated to the point where all non-essential travel for government officials was banned as part of cost-cutting measures. These incidents further fuelled public frustration and damaged the government’s credibility.
Adding to the pressure is the recent decision by the United States to cut USAid funding, a move that has dealt a severe blow to Malawi’s struggling economy. With foreign aid playing a crucial role in supporting social programmes, the withdrawal of this funding has left the country’s poorest citizens more vulnerable than ever.
The foreign exchange crisis, exacerbated by the devaluation of the kwacha, has made imports more expensive and pushed the country deeper into economic hardship. Meanwhile, the government has struggled to manage a severe fuel crisis, with frequent shortages disrupting daily life and economic activity.
Beyond these problems, Chakwera has earned a reputation as a “traveling president,” frequently going on trips abroad, often accompanied by family members. One of the most embarrassing moments was when he flew to London to attend a virtual conference, a move that became a symbol of poor judgment and wasteful expenditure. With the country facing mounting crises and growing disillusionment, the question now is: will Chakwera be a one-term president?
With elections just months away, public sentiment is clear: Malawians want change. According to Afrobarometer, 43% of citizens would vote for the opposition DPP if elections were held today, compared to 29% for the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP).
Notably 84% of Malawians say they will “definitely” vote in the upcoming election, signalling high public engagement and a potential turning point for the country. What is surprising is that Malawians now seem eager to vote back the very same DPP they booted out for its arrogance and nepotistic tendencies.
One wonders why Malawians have an insatiable appetite for recycling bad and poor leadership. Are Malawians prisoners of hope, constantly believing that change is just one election away and in recycling failed leaders? Many had banked on the late vice-president, Saulos Chilima, as their go-to leader for the 2025 elections, despite lingering scepticism because of his failed tenures with both ruling parties. But his death has left a leadership vacuum, forcing many to reconsider the DPP as the only familiar option.
With new candidates like Dalitso Kabambe and Michael Usi failing to inspire widespread confidence, the DPP, despite its past failures, appears to be the only sure thing for voters seeking stability. But, as philosopher Joseph de Maistre once said, “Every nation gets the government it deserves.”
Chakwera’s recent State of the Nation address (Sona) only reinforced public frustration. While some praised its district-focused approach as a demonstration of accountability, many viewed it as a political campaign tool rather than a blueprint for solving Malawi’s urgent problems. The speech lacked concrete solutions to the country’s worsening economic crisis, corruption and the fuel procurement concerns that have plagued his administration. Instead of addressing these pressing issues with urgency, Chakwera appeared more focused on defending his record and discrediting the opposition.
The address failed to offer a clear roadmap for the country’s future, further deepening public disillusionment. In the face of growing hardship, the Sona has left Malawians wondering whether their leader truly understands the gravity of their struggles or is simply positioning himself for re-election.
As Malawians head to the polls, the question is not just whether they will give Chakwera a second chance but whether the country can afford another five years of his leadership. Malawi’s future depends on bold, decisive leadership that can break free from the cycle of dependency, corruption and poor governance.
The next administration must focus on diversifying the economy to reduce reliance on imports and foreign aid, investing in critical sectors particularly agriculture and manufacturing, and tackling corruption head-on to restore public trust in governance.
Tamanda P Liabunya is an African Women Leadership Scholar pursuing an MPA with a specialisation in African politics and conflict resolution.
Nyasha McBride Mpani is the project leader for the Data for Governance Alliance project at the Institute of Justice and Reconciliation based in Cape Town.
Trapped in the middle class casualty ward:
Aside from some snobby Brits and sundry hard-line communists, being a member of the middle class is considered to be a good thing. A better education leads to better jobs with higher salaries and what it is really all about: spending power.
And in South Africa, where so many were for so long denied the chance to become members of the middle class, this is often trumpeted as a sign of what the government has done for previously disadvantaged people.
Being upwardly mobile means you can afford the monthly instalments on that flashy car you have always lusted after, that exorbitantly priced pair of sneakers can go on the credit card and a visit to the upmarket grocery store becomes a pleasure, not a pain. No more generic wors bought at one of those unpleasantly overstocked cut-price meat emporiums. Only prizewinning boerewors will be sizzling on your shiny new Weber.
The slightly older and maybe wiser middle-class members can buy a house, or more likely a unit in one of Joburg’s endless complexes. The brats can be sent to “better” schools that charge outrageous fees and the ungrateful youths can be enrolled at universities (no NSFAS for you, the “missing middle”) .
Newfound financial stability means the car and household insurance can be paid, the security company too and the electricity, water, rates and taxes. The more mindful will also invest in a pension fund or retirement annuity. Ageing parents can be looked after and there might even be some money for those layabout cousins and the uncle who is overly fond of Black Label quarts.
In a country with a thriving economy, this is all manageable. But, when there is growing unemployment and the gap between salaries and the cost of living widens, then we become ensnared in what the more cynical among us call the “middle class trap”.
Money has to be found for all those stop orders that whack off your account at the end of the month. There is a desperate search for ways to economise. Ditch the DStv subscription (there is not much to watch, but how will you watch the football?) You can mow your own lawn, sweep your own driveway, wash your own car, iron your own clothes, mop the kitchen floor and eat rice and beans instead of steak and chips.
But never, ever can you get rid of the medical aid. Because, without a medical aid — or, more likely, a hospital plan if you are a member of the middle class — then you will have to join the masses and throw yourself on the mercy of the much-maligned public health system.
And notwithstanding the acrimonious debate about the National Health Insurance, once you have been able to call up and make an appointment with the doctor of your choice, or been admitted to a private hospital, the thought of a visit to a public hospital is sickening.
For many years of my misspent youth, which extended into my thirties, I was oblivious to the need for medical aid. It was sheer good fortune that when a real medical emergency arose, I had just been persuaded to start coughing up the monthly chunk of medical aid money.
A nasty little lump that had been steadily growing on my eyelid was diagnosed as potentially cancerous and had to be removed. My doctor referred me to his pal, the plastic surgeon. When I arrived for my appointment I was greeted by waiting room chairs all occupied by women and a shelf with a display of silicone-enhanced breasts in all shapes and sizes.
It was obvious where the money came from to pay for the plush new leather covering for his car seats that the doc was discussing on the phone when I was shown into his office. But he was a skilled surgeon and with the help of some skin taken from behind my ear he restored the beauty of my eyelid.
His staff were equally adept at administration and ensured that the medical aid company paid all the bills. I had been worried about this because, of course, I only had a hospital plan and my limited intellect and short attention span made it impossible to wade through the “small print” that the companies like to use to avoid payment. I do know that visits to the optometrist are not covered, so no chance of specs to help decipher the small print.
Years later and with three medical aid members to pay for, I still don’t really know what the policy covers. It is only when something happens that this is revealed.
A few years ago I answered my phone and the first words I heard were, “I think I have slit my wrist.” Coward that I am, it was a relief to learn that it was not something that I had said, it was the serrated edge on the lid of tin can lurking in the rubbish bin that had caused the damage to my dearly beloved’s arm.
I was on the opposite side of town but a brother was available to rush her to the emergency room at the hospital. When I arrived she was having the wound cleaned after the bleeding had been stopped. I was detained at reception to fill out many forms and to hand over my credit card. Only then could the stitching begin. Because the injured party was not admitted to hospital, the medical aid would not pay anything.
These are mere skirmishes on the South African healthcare battlefield that is often, literally, littered with bodies. And there are many people with harrowing tales to tell.
But, as we cling on to our hard-earned perch among the middle classes, we have to keep in mind that there are millions of South Africans who are simply grateful that there is now a clinic within walking distance of their home.
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